Lara Johnstone
July 26, 2011
Excerpts from the full article that can be found here
White South African Refugees
On 27 August 2009 the Canadian Immigration and Refugee Board (IRB) granted Canadian Refugee Status to White South African Brandon Huntley. The IRB ruling found that Huntley “was a victim [of persecution] because of his race rather than a victim of criminality, who presented clear and convincing proof of state and security forces’ inability or unwillingness to protect him.”
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Most Whites in South Africa Feel Persecuted
In early September 2009, four mainstream newspapers in South Africa did surveys on the Huntley issue, revealing that 74% of White citizens felt that they were being persecuted in South Africa for reasons of their race (Beeld: 83%; Die Burger: 62%; IOL: 65% and Rapport: 87%).
By 2009 over 600 South African Whites were refugees in foreign countries (170 in Germany, 111 in USA, 46 in Ireland, 33 in Canada, 24 in the UK, 18 in France and 15 in Australia), because they had a well founded fear of being persecuted in South Africa, for reasons of race, religion, nationality or membership of a particular social group or political opinion.
The South African goverment did not dispute any of the 600 refugee’s justifications for their refugee status with the relevant governments, limiting their challenge to the claims made by Brandon Huntley.
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Human Rights and Refugee Agencies Are often Hostile to White Refugees
The Canadian Government — petrified of the ANC’s ‘racism’ accusations — appealed the IRB decision before the Canadian Federal Court. On 24 November 2010 Judge James Russell confirmed Huntley’s persecution fears by the SA government. But, he questioned the legitimacy of Huntley’s ‘refugee’ status by claiming there was a lack of ‘objective evidence’ concerning ‘white refugees’ from ‘credible and trustworthy sources’ such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch (para 59, 67). He referred Huntley back to the IRB for a new hearing.
Genocide Watch, run by Dr. Gregory Stanton, a former U.S. State Department official, recently stated their intentions to raise Boers from stage five (Polarization) to six (Preparation) of the eight stages of Genocide. Despite this, international anti-Apartheid agencies and UN human rights organisations effectively endorse the ANC’s persecution of White South Africans, because they refuse to enquire into any evidence submitted to them on the subject. Other bodies and individuals actively hostile to White South African refugees include: the European Council on Refugees and Exiles (ECRE); Prof. Dennis Alland, a former UNHCR Official and Member of ECRE and the European Legal Network on Asylum (ELENA); and Prince Albert II of Monaco.
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The Anti-Apartheid Movement: Most Successful Stalinist Popular Front
Paul Trewhela was a former journalist working for newspapers such as the Rand Daily Mail. He was a member of the ANC and SACP and is now an anti-Stalinist socialist historian of the ANC in exile. In Mutinies in the Liberation Armies: Inside Quadro (Searchlight South Africa 2(1): July 1990, 30-35), Trewhela describes the anti-Apartheid movement as “the most successful popular front lobby for Stalinism anywhere in the world.”
The ANC/SACP did a very good job in preventing public knowledge of its secret history from emerging. … Those who survived the Gulag system of the ANC/SACP did so knowing that to reveal what they had been through meant re-arrest, renewed tortures and in all probability, death. They had to sign a form committing them to silence..
This regime of terror, extending beyond the gates of the ANC/SACP ‘Buchenwald’ of Quadro, was a necessary element in the total practice of repression and deception which made the Anti-Apartheid Movement the most successful Popular Front lobby for Stalinism anywhere in the world.
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Mwezi Twala was an ANC dissenter who was sent to the ANC’s re-education torture Camp Quatro, without ever being charged with any crime or given any trial. In his book Mbokodo: Inside MK: Mwezi Twala – A Soldier’s Story (see also here), he describes the exiled ANC’s use of political terror:
… Oliver Tambo visited Pango [Camp] at the height of the terror. The path from the entrance to the admin building was lined — like a scene from ‘Spartacus’ — with men, bloodied and filthy, hanging from trees. When his entourage arrived at admin, where I was officer on duty, Tambo’s chief of staff told us that there would be a meeting at ‘the stage’ (a clearing in the jungle… where we held meetings and discussions). Runners were sent out to notify everyone in the vicinity. On his way to the stage [Oliver Tambo] again passed the men tied to the trees. Being officer on duty, I could not attend the meeting, but my deputy went. After a while I saw guards come up from the stage, release the prisoners and take them to the meeting. There, my deputy told me, instead of objecting to their treatment, as I had hoped, Tambo berated them for their dissident behaviour and appeared to approve when Andrew Masondo declared that on the president’s next visit they would be in shallow graves behind the stage. The prisoners were returned to their trees … where the president [Oliver Tambo] passed the unfortunate men without a glance on his way out, and they hung there for another three months — followed by three months hard labour. (pp. 51–52)
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The Anti-Apartheid Propaganda Lie of the ‘Crime of Apartheid’
Mwezi Twala concludes his description of the ANC torture camps by comparing the treatment he received from the ANC to the Apartheid government’s treatment of ANC rebels:
Had the South African [Apartheid] goverment treated me half as badly as the ANC, it would have been deserved to some degree, as I had broken South African laws. In the case of the ANC, there was no such rationale. It was virtually impossible to find a detainee who had committed a clearly defined crime against the system, because there was no system. I concluded that the policies of the ANC leadership were based on personal ambition and fear. (p. 100)
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