Wednesday, 2 November 2011

Martin Luther King vs Nelson Mandela vs Barack Obama

King vs Mandela vs Obama

The most well-known, greatest Speeches of Martin Luther King, Jr., Nelson Mandela and Barack Obama.

The bottom line is that, while -
Martin Luther King had a vision, a dream and he presented message worth listening to, worth considering and food for thought;
Nelson Mandela had a lot of people, organisations and countries to thank, including all his Marxist-Leninist Communist friends, terrorists, murderers, rapists, etc. He did not even have the decency to thank the man that freed him, FW de Klerk. He did not bring a message, a dream or any vision. All he did was to threaten with more of their vile sick terrorist actions; and
Barack Obama? Well his message was simple - "Yes we can" and he failed, dismally.

All three these men are/were idealists, dreamers and all three failed dismally, because their unrealistic, idealistic dreams could never materialise. The difference between them rests with their methods, King having been a dreamer, but not necessarily in favour of violence as a means to an end, Obama being arrogant, thinking that he could change the World all by himself, and then of course Mandela who believed that terrorism, violent action, bombing innocent civilians was the way to go and he never changed.
King did not really leave a legacy as nothing ever came from his efforts and his own African-American followers did not understand what he was trying to convey or achieve.
Obama will be remembered as the failure that brought down the US and led the World to World War 3.
Mandela left a legacy of anarchy, murder, terrorism, genocide and he produced generations of uneducated undisciplined terrorist hooligans, yet he is the one hailed as the messiah by the blind ignorant puny humans infesting this planet.

If all men took King's speech to heart the World could be an amazing place and the US cold be the great country it once was.
If all men took Mandela's speech to heart the World would be filled with aggression, violence, hatred, communism, terrorism, genocide and destruction.
If all men took Obama's speech to heart, they'd know we can achieve any of the above, and even World War 3.

When King spoke those words he included all and everyone, he was hoping to see the US grow and become the powerful country it should have been and he wanted all and everyone to be part of it, proud of it and share it.
Nelson Mandela on the other hand was only concerned with his communist, terrorist ANC cronies without considering anyone else. he wanted South Africa for himself and his type. He did not want anything remotely comparable to what King was dreaming of for his country and all of its citizens. Mandela has never said anything of substance that could motivate the building and unity of a country. All he ever did was to destroy that which was.
Obama well at least he said "Yes we can" whatever that means.

The Most Famous Speech ever made by Martin Luther King, Jr. - "I Have a Dream"
Delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C.

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]

"I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

    My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

    Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

    From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

    Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

    Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

    Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

    Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

    Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

    Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

    Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

    From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! Free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

Original article with Audio version available HERE


The Most Famous Speech ever made by Nelson Mandela: Speech on Release from Prison, 1990
Mandela was released from Victor Verster Prison in Paarl on 11 February 1990

This is as it appeared in my previous posting of Mandela's speech HERE

Please note that all formatting in the following version is my own, for the purpose of highlighting certain important aspects of the speech.

The highlighted section relate to the non-intention to strive for unity, equality for all races, without discrimination, democracy, peace and stability in South Africa. It also points out the support for Marxist- Leninist Communism and Mandela's promotion of the armed struggle, for which he was given a Noble Peace Prize. Please note my personal comments in [square brackets]

Nelson Mandela: Speech on Release from Prison, 1990

After a quarter century in jail, Nelson Mandela, the leader of the South African African National Congress, was released and faced the world's press in a speech carried live throughout the world.

Comrades and fellow South Africans, I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy and freedom for all. I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore place the remaining years of my life in your hands.

On this day of my release, I extend my sincere and warmest gratitude to the millions of my compatriots and those in every corner of the globe who have campaigned tirelessly for my release. I extend special greetings to the people of Cape Town, the city which has been my home for three decades. Your mass marches and other forms of struggle have served as a constant source of strength to all political prisoners.
[Forms of struggle which caused the death of many thousands of blacks and whites in South Africa. It should be noted that by far the vast majority of all political deaths during Apartheid were directly attributable to the ANC]

I salute the African National Congress. It has fulfilled our every expectation In its role as leader of the great march to freedom.

I salute our president, Comrade Oliver Tambo, for leading the ANC even under the most difficult circumstances.

I salute the rank-and-file members of the ANC: You have sacrificed life and limb in the pursuit of the noble cause of our struggle.

I salute combatants of Umkhonto We Sizwe (the ANC's military wing) who paid the ultimate price for the freedom of all South Africans.

I salute the South African Communist Party for its sterling contribution to the struggle for democracy: You have survived 40 years of unrelenting persecution. The memory of great Communists like Bram Fisher and Moses Mabhida will be cherished for generations to come.

I salute General Secretary Joe Slovo, one of our finest patriots. We are heartened by the fact that the alliance between ourselves and the party remains as strong as it always was.

I salute the United Democratic Front, the National Education Crisis Committee, the South African Youth Congress, the Transvaal and Natal Indian Congresses, and COSATU, and the many other formations of the mass democratic movement.

I also salute the Black Sash and the National Union of South African Students. We note with pride that you have endured as the conscience of white South Africans, even during the darkest days of the history of our struggle. You held the flag of liberty high. The largescale mass mobilization of the past few years is one of the key factors which led to the opening of the final chapter of our struggle.

I extend my greetings to the working class of our country. Your organized strength is the pride of our movement: You remain the most dependable force in the struggle to end exploitation and oppression.

I pay tribute to the many religious communities who carried the campaign for justice forward when the organizations of our people were silenced.
[The SA churches were directly targeted and infiltrated, which is typical communist strategy, to manipulate the minds of white South Africans and it worked perfectly and still does to this very day.]

I greet the traditional leaders of our country: Many among you continue to walk in the footsteps of great heroes.

I pay tribute for the endless heroism of youth: You, the young lions, have energized our entire struggle.

I pay tribute to the mothers and wives and sisters of our nation: You are the rock-hard foundation of our struggle. Apartheid has inflicted more pain on you than on anyone else.

On this occasion, we thank the world, we thank the world community for their great contribution to the anti-apartheid struggle. Without your support, our struggle could not have reached this advanced stage.

The sacrifice of the front-line states will be remembered by South Africans forever.

My celebrations will be incomplete without expressing my deep appreciation for the strength that has been given to me during my long and gloomy years in prison by my beloved wife and family. I am convinced that your pain and suffering was far greater than my own.

Before I go any further, I wish to make the point that I intend making only a few preliminary comments at this stage. I will make a more complete statement only after I have had the opportunity to consult with my comrades.

Today, the majority of South Africans, black and white, recognize that apartheid has no future. It has to be ended by our own decisive mass action in order to build peace and security. [Promoting armed struggle, not peace for which he was given a Noble Peace Prize]

The mass campaigns of defiance and other actions of our organizations and people can only culminate in the establishment of democracy.  
[Promoting armed struggle, not peace for which he was given a Noble Peace Prize]

The apartheid's destruction on our subcontinent is incalculable. The fabric of family life of millions of my people has been shattered. Millions are homeless and unemployed. Our economy lies in ruins and our people are embroiled in political strife.  
[Now this is something isn't it. SA at its peak was refered to as a country in ruins? The political strive was all caused by the ANC. Was it not for the ANC SA would have been the most peaceful country in the World. The ANC was the cause of all political strife in the country.]

Our resort to the armed struggle in 1960 with the formation of the military wing of the ANC (Umkhoto We Sizwe) was a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid. The factors which necessitated the armed struggle still exist today. We have no option but to continue. We express the hope that a climate conducive to a negotiated settlement would be created soon, so that there may no longer be the need for the armed struggle.  
[Promoting armed struggle, not peace for which he was given a Noble Peace Prize]

I am a loyal and disciplined member of the African National Congress. I am therefore in full agreement with all of its objectives strategies and tactics.  
[Supporting the armed struggle, not peace for which he was given a Noble Peace Prize]

The need to unite the people of our country is as important a task now as it always has been. No individual leader is able to take all this enormous task on his own. It is our task as leaders to place our views before our organization and to allow the democratic structures to decide on the way forward.  
[Not before the country, not before the people, but before the ANC]

On the question of democratic practice, I feel duty-bound to make the point that a leader of the movement is a person who has been democratically elected at a national congress.

This is a principle which must be upheld without any exception.

Today, I wish to report to you that my talks with the government have been aimed at normalizing the political situation in the country. We have not yet begun discussing the basic demands of the struggle. I wish to stress that I myself have at no time entered negotiations about the future of our country, except to insist on a meeting between the ANC and the government.  
[Discussions between Mandela and the NP Government began during the time of PW Botha already. Mandela was part of the decision-making team since the time of PW Botha. The armed struggle has never ended, to this day and it will not end until they get what they want, which is everything any communist wants.]

Mr. de Klerk has gone further than any other nationalist president in taking real steps to normalize the situation. However, there are further steps, as outlined in the Harare declaration, that have to be met before negotiations on the basic demands of our people can begin.

I reiterate our call for, inter-alia, the immediate ending of the state of emergency and the freeing of all - and not only some - political prisoners.

Only such a normalized situation, which allows for free political activity, can allow us to consult our people in order to obtain a mandate.

The people need to be consulted on who will negotiate and on the content of such negotiations.

Negotiations cannot take their place above the heads or behind the backs of our people.

It Is our belief that the future of our country can only be determined by a body which is democratically elected on a non-racial basis.

Negotiations on the dismantling of apartheid will have to address the overwhelming demands of our people for a democratic, non-racial and unitary South Africa.
[The proof of the overwhelimg nature of the demands can be seen all across South Africa as it lies in ruins.]

There must be an end to white monopoly on political power and a fundamental restructuring of our political and economic systems to ensure that the inequalities of apartheid are addressed, and our society thoroughly democratized.

It must be added that Mr. de Klerk himself is a man of integrity who is acutely aware of the dangers of a public figure not honoring his undertaking.
[This was a threat to de Klerk, and this was no idle threat, this threat included US and Russian military intervention within the borders of South Africa, similar to what happened to Iraq shortly hereafter]

But as an organization, we base our policy and our strategy on the harsh reality we are faced with, and this reality is that we are still suffering under the policies of the nationalist government.

Our struggle has reached a decisive moment: We call on our people to seize this moment, so that the process toward democracy Is rapid and uninterrupted.
[This was a clear call for revolutionary action. Promoting armed struggle, not peace for which he was given a Noble Peace Prize]

We have waited too long for our freedom. We can no longer wait. Now is the time to intensify the struggle on all fronts. To relax our efforts now would be a mistake which generations to come will not be able to forgive.  
[This was a clear call for revolutionary action. Promoting armed struggle, not peace for which he was given a Noble Peace Prize]

The sight of freedom looming on the horizon should encourage us to redouble our efforts.
[This was a clear call for revolutionary action. Promoting armed struggle, not peace for which he was given a Noble Peace Prize]

It Is only through disciplined mass action that our victory can be assured.  
[The ANC Youth League under Julius Malema had a great teacher.]

We call on our white compatriots to join us in the shaping of a new South Africa. The freedom movement is a political home for you, too.

We call on the international community to continue the campaign to isolate the apartheid regime. To lift sanctions now would run the risk of aborting the process toward the complete eradication of apartheid.  
[South Africa gained from isolation and sanctions, but anyone wanting peace, wanting to grow and develop his country, does not call for further sanctions and isolation. They would not rest until they had what they came for. The ANC was prepared to call on the US and other foreign countries and bomb South Africa to smithereens, without considering the potential loss of lives, for them to get what they wanted. Life never has and still does not have any meaning or value to Marxist-Leninist Communists, like the ANC. Strangely enough Mandela was given a Noble Peace Prize]

Our march toward freedom is irreversible. We must not allow fear to stand in our way.
[The ANC Youth League under Julius Malema had a great teacher]

Universal suffrage on a common voters roll in a united, democratic and non-racial South Africa is the only way to peace and racial harmony.

In conclusion, I wish to go to my own words during my trial in 1964 - they are as true today as they were then:
I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunity. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But, if need be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
[There is no harmony in South Africa. There is no democracy in South Africa. South Africa is not a free society. Because of the ANC's BEE and Transformation Policies there is no equal opportunities in South Africa. This means that Nelson Mandela is a failure, he was a failure in life, a failure as a politician and he will die a failed man, because he never achieved any these goals, in fact he made a total dismal disaster of it all and destroyed South Africa.]

Read the original transcript HERE
The speech can also be downloaded in .pdf format HERE


The Most Famous Speech by Barack Obama - "Yes We Can"
Delivered on January 08, 2008 in Nashua, New Hampshire

Full text of the speech...

"I want to congratulate Senator Clinton on a hard-fought victory here in New Hampshire.

A few weeks ago, no one imagined that we'd have accomplished what we did here tonight. For most of this campaign, we were far behind, and we always knew our climb would be steep.

But in record numbers, you came out and spoke up for change. And with your voices and your votes, you made it clear that at this moment - in this election - there is something happening in America.

There is something happening when men and women in Des Moines and Davenport; in Lebanon and Concord come out in the snows of January to wait in lines that stretch block after block because they believe in what this country can be.

There is something happening when Americans who are young in age and in spirit - who have never before participated in politics - turn out in numbers we've never seen because they know in their hearts that this time must be different.

There is something happening when people vote not just for the party they belong to but the hopes they hold in common - that whether we are rich or poor; black or white; Latino or Asian; whether we hail from Iowa or New Hampshire, Nevada or South Carolina, we are ready to take this country in a fundamentally new direction. That is what's happening in America right now. Change is what's happening in America.

You can be the new majority who can lead this nation out of a long political darkness - Democrats, Independents and Republicans who are tired of the division and distraction that has clouded Washington;
who know that we can disagree without being disagreeable;
who understand that if we mobilize our voices to challenge the money and influence that's stood in our way and challenge ourselves to reach for something better, there's no problem we can't solve - no destiny we cannot fulfill.

Our new American majority can end the outrage of unaffordable, unavailable health care in our time. We can bring doctors and patients; workers and businesses, Democrats and Republicans together;
and we can tell the drug and insurance industry that while they'll get a seat at the table, they don't get to buy every chair. Not this time. Not now.

Our new majority can end the tax breaks for corporations that ship our jobs overseas and put a middle-class tax cut into the pockets of the working Americans who deserve it.

We can stop sending our children to schools with corridors of shame and start putting them on a pathway to success. We can stop talking about how great teachers are and start rewarding them for their greatness. We can do this with our new majority.

We can harness the ingenuity of farmers and scientists; citizens and entrepreneurs to free this nation from the tyranny of oil and save our planet from a point of no return.

And when I am President, we will end this war in Iraq and bring our troops home;
we will finish the job against al Qaeda in Afghanistan;
we will care for our veterans;
we will restore our moral standing in the world; and we will never use 9/11 as a way to scare up votes, because it is not a tactic to win an election, it is a challenge that should unite America and the world against the common threats of the twenty-first century: terrorism and nuclear weapons; climate change and poverty; genocide and disease.

All of the candidates in this race share these goals. All have good ideas. And all are patriots who serve this country honorably.

But the reason our campaign has always been different is because it's not just about what I will do as President, it's also about what you, the people who love this country, can do to change it.

That's why tonight belongs to you. It belongs to the organizers and the volunteers and the staff who believed in our improbable journey and rallied so many others to join.

We know the battle ahead will be long, but always remember that no matter what obstacles stand in our way, nothing can withstand the power of millions of voices calling for change.

We have been told we cannot do this by a chorus of cynics who will only grow louder and more dissonant in the weeks to come. We've been asked to pause for a reality check. We've been warned against offering the people of this nation false hope.

But in the unlikely story that is America, there has never been anything false about hope. For when we have faced down impossible odds; when we've been told that we're not ready, or that we shouldn't try, or that we can't, generations of Americans have responded with a simple creed that sums up the spirit of a people.

Yes we can.

It was a creed written into the founding documents that declared the destiny of a nation.

Yes we can.

It was whispered by slaves and abolitionists as they blazed a trail toward freedom through the darkest of nights.

Yes we can.

It was sung by immigrants as they struck out from distant shores and pioneers who pushed westward against an unforgiving wilderness.

Yes we can.

It was the call of workers who organized; women who reached for the ballot; a President who chose the moon as our new frontier; and a King who took us to the mountaintop and pointed the way to the Promised Land.

Yes we can to justice and equality. Yes we can to opportunity and prosperity. Yes we can heal this nation. Yes we can repair this world. Yes we can.

And so tomorrow, as we take this campaign South and West; as we learn that the struggles of the textile worker in Spartanburg are not so different than the plight of the dishwasher in Las Vegas;
that the hopes of the little girl who goes to a crumbling school in Dillon are the same as the dreams of the boy who learns on the streets of LA;
we will remember that there is something happening in America; that we are not as divided as our politics suggests; that we are one people;
we are one nation; and together, we will begin the next great chapter in America's story with three words that will ring from coast to coast; from sea to shining sea - Yes. We. Can."

Original article with Video version available HERE

It can also be read and viewed HERE

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